
Author 



Title 



Imprint 



16 — 47372-2 OPO 



^iljiipi ■!i;:i| ill 



\'-':-l^'\ 


-':r,C\ 






''Iji 










■ 


1 





^ 



VII 



The Effect of the War of 1812 



UPON THE 



Consolidation of tlie Union 



JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES 



IN 



Historical and Political Science 



HERBERT B. ADAMS, Editor 



History is past Politics and Politics present History — J<)reeman 



FIFTH SERIES 



VII 



The Effect of the War of 1 8 1 2 



UPON THE 



CONSOLIDATION OF THE UNION 



y 



By NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER, Ph. D. 

TV/or in Philosophy in Coluvibia College 
President of the Industrial Education Association's College for the Training of Teachers 




BALTIMORE 

PtJBLiCATioN Agency of the Johns Hopkins Univeesitt 

JULT, 1887 



'fin 



Copyright, 1887, by N. Muerat, 



JOHN MURPHY A CO., PRINTERS 
BALTIMORE. 



THE EFFECT OF THE WAR OF 1812 



■DPON THE 



CONSOLIDATION OF THE UNION. 



The two great motive forces in American politics during the 
first century of the national existence were the questions of state | 
sovereignty and of slavery. The pressure of the first was almost 
wholly, yet but temporarily, relieved by the second war with 
Great Britain, and it was reserved for the great civil war of 
1861-5 to put an effectual quietus upon both. 

The course of the conflict over these questions shows that 
until the war of 1812 that of state sovereignty, pure and sim- 
ple, occuj)ied the foremost place in the nation's political activity. 
From the conclusion of that war period until 1861 the question 
of slavery, with all its far-reaching collateral issues, asserted its 
preeminence, and in its disastrous overthrow and complete 
downfall carried the state sovereignty heresy with it to a 
common ruin. 

The concrete question with which we are to deal at present 
is the effect of the war of 1812 on the consolidation of the 
Union. To understand this intelligently we must acquaint 
ourselves with the positions taken in reference to the state- 
sovereignty dispute down to the time when war was declared, 
and with the condition of the Union at that time in respect to 
real unity. We must examine the political character and 
motives of the war itself, and discover the status of the 

5 



6 The Effect of the War of 1812 upon the [252 

uatioual unity in the years immediately succeeding the war. 
When all this is done we shall be entitled to pronounce upon 
the effect of the war of 1812 on the consolidation of the 
Union. 

It is probable that in the light of historical fact, and the 
full discussion which the question has since received, culmi- 
nating in the irrevocable verdict of a terrible civil war, no one 
will care to deny that the Declaration of Independence of July 
4th, 1776, was the act of an ethnographically and geograph- 
ically unified nation, and not the separate though synchronous 
deed of thirteen constituent parts of that nation. Moreover, 
the authority of the Continental Congress as a revolutionary 
body cannot be questioned. It was this Congress that drew up 
and adopted the Articles of Confederation of 1781. But even 
at the time of the original adoption of these Articles by Con- 
gress, November 14th, 1777, the enthusiasm of 1776 was 
abated ; the national ardor had cooled and had been superseded 
by more particularistic and selfish feelings. Thus the infant 
nation of 1776, even before it had risen from its cradle, seemed 
sickening to its death. 

" The preponderance of the anti-national tendencies during 
the early life of the Union undoubtedly had its origin in the 
political and social development of the states, in their want 
of political connection before the Revolution, in the little 
intercourse, commercial and other, between them, and lastly 
in various differences in their natural situation which rendered 
a rapid intergrowth of the several States impossible and the 
collisions attendant thereon unavoidable." ^ 

When the time came to form a national government it was 
but natural that two opposing views should be taken as to 
the extent of the powers to be conferred upon that government. 

To begin with, the very nature of the question provoked, 
if it did not require, the formation of two opposing parties ; 



' Von Hoist, The Constitutional and Political History of the United States, 
Chicago, 1877, Vol. I. pp. 106, 107. 



253] Consolidation of the Union. 7 

then, the selfisli feelings of a particular state or states, loth 
to give up natural advantages to the common weal, would 
oppose a strong central government, and in any such move- 
ment as the American Revolution, an ultra-democratic i)arty, 
large or small as the case may be, is sure to develop. But in 
this case fact proved more powerful than theory. The stern 
necessities of the case and the ably-defended opinions of Plam- 
ilton, Madison, and their coadjutors, in spite of the technical 
provisions of the Articles of Confederation, carried through 
the proposition for the Philadelphia Convention of 1787, and 
in it sounder political science prevailed. As a result our 
present Constitution was promulgated. 

The great Constitutional Party, as we may appropriately 
describe the Federalists, immediately after the organization 
of the government under the instrument of 1787, put forth 
by word and deed a theory of government deduced from 
their interpretation of the Constitution, which m reality they 
had framed. The occasion of the crystallization of the ele- 
ments of this party into an unified whole was the struggle for 
the adoption and adjustment of the system of 1787. Their 
theory was, in brief, that the government was based on a 
national popular sovereignty, that the central government 
should be independent in all its machinery of the local gov- 
ernments, exercising all general powers and interpreting by 
its own constituted agents what was local and what was gen- 
eral, under sucli limitations as were put upon it in the Con- 
stitution itself by the national popular sovereignty. But in 
the struggle this party was obliged to give up, if indeed it 
ever distinctly held, a wholly national doctrine and ground 
itself for the purpose of victory on a federal system, midway 
between confederation and nationalism, though strongly lean- 
ing toward the latter. This federal system, though still hold- 
ing to the sovereignty of the people of the United States as 
ultimate, yet admitted that a system of local commonwealth 
governments was fundamental in our political system. In 
other words, it allowed that the Union was one of states, but 
not of state governments. 



8 The Effect of the War of 1812 upon the [254 

The original opponents of this doctrine cannot be dignified 
with the name party. Their nucleus was a few extremists of 
the Rousseau stamp, who believed or pretended to believe that 
the state of nature was the only perfect state and that all 
society had originated in a social compact ; that government, 
which is in its very nature tyrannical and oppressive, had 
grown up from an exaggeration of powers originally relin- 
quished by the individual in the compact. Around such men 
and opinions as these the opposition to Federalism began to 
collect. It acquired strength and definiteness by the debates 
on the Funding^ and Assumption^ bills, the Slavery Peti- 
tion^ debate of 1790, the Excise Tax,^ the National Bank 
bill,^ and from the complications in foreign affairs in which 
the administration became involved. In addition " the French 
Revolution introduced from abroad an element which, inde- 
pendent of the actual condition of affairs and partly in conflict 
with it, kept excitement at the boiling point during many 
years.^ The French Revolution was at first hailed with delight 
by all parties in the United States ; when, however, after the 
death of Mirabeau, the impossibility of control and the mis- 
takes of the helpless court transferred the preponderance of 
power to the radicals and when the anarchical elements daily 
grew bolder, the Federalists began to turn away. The anti- 



' Von Hoist, 1. 85, 86. Hildreth, History of the United States of America. 
New York, Harper and Brothers, 1851, Vol. IV. 152-171, 213-220. This and 
most of the following references to Hildreth are given to show where fuller 
information on the subjects referred to may be found. 

2 Hildreth, IV. 171-174, 213-220. 

3 Von Hoist, I. 89-93 ; Hildreth, IV. 174-204. In this debate the threat 
of civil war was uttered on the floor of the House of Kepresentatives for 
perhaps the first time. The speaker was Tucker of South Carolina, and his 
words were : " Do these men expect a general emancipation by law ? This 
would never be submitted to by the Southern States without a civil war." 
See Benton, Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, I. 208. 

* Von Hoist, I. 94, 95 ; Hildreth, IV. 253-256. 

* Von Hoist, I. 104-106; Hildreth, IV. 256-267. 
«Hildreth, IV. 411-413. 



255] Consolkkdion of the Union. 9 

Federalists on the other hnnd cluno- more dearlv to it than 
ever, Tlie farther Franee proceeded, by the adoption of brutal 
measures, in the direction of political idealism, the more rank 
was the growth in the United States of the most radical doc- 
tn'narianism; the more attentively the legislators of France 
listened to Danton's voice of tliunder and Marat's fierce cry 
for blood, the more boldly did demagogism in its most repul- 
sive form rage in the United States." ^ 

Many of the objections to the Federalist measures were 
closely bordering on the ridiculous, while but a few were 
defensible. " But no reasoning was too absurd to find credu- 
lous hearers when the rights of the States were alleged to be 
in danger and the services of the phantom ' consoliiiation ' 
were required. The politicians Avould not, however, in a, 
matter of such importance have dared to wage so strong a war 
of opposition and they C( uld not have carried it on for ten 
years and have finally conquered, if they had not had as a 
broad and firm foundation to build upon, the anti-national- 
istic tendencies which prevailed among the people." ^ 

The word anti-nationalistic is used advisedly; for by it is 
meant that among the people there was a strong feeling that 
any dissatisfied state or number of states might secede or 
withdraw at pleasure from the Union. Nor was this idea by 
any means confined to the anti-Federalists or to that section 
of the country in which their strength mainly lay. It is also 
a mistake to suppose that these feelings never found vent in 
words until the great slavery contest, many years later. In 
point of fact, as early as 1793, when peace with England was 
endangered by Genet's machinations and their consequences,* 
there were those in the New England States who in no covert 
language urged that a dissolution of the Union was preferable 
to war with Great Britain. Here are the words of Th. Dwight, 



» Von Hoist, I. 107. 
''Vonllolst, I. 106. 

3 



Von Ilolst, I. 112-118; Ilildreth, IV. 412-440, 477, 478. 



10 Tlie Effect of the War 0/ 1812 upon the [256 

^vriting at this time to Wolcott : "A war with Great Britain, 
we, at least in New England, will not enter into. Sooner 
would ninety-nine out of one hundred of our inhabitants sep- 
arate from the Union than plunge themselves into an abyss of 
misery," ^ Hence it is evident that the geographical grouping 
of the friends and enemies of the Jay treaty ^ did not escape them 
in spite of appearances which were at first deceptive. Going 
beyond the limits of the question immediately under considera- 
tion they pointed to a division of the republic into two great 
sections and declared an understanding between them to be a 
condition precedent to the continuation of the Union. Wolcott 
writes to his father the following, August 10th, 1795: "I am, 
however, almost discouraged with respect to the southern states; 
the effect of the slave system has been such that I fear our 

government will never operate with efficacy Indeed 

M'e must of necessity soon come to a sober explanation with 
the people and know upon what we are to depend." ^ 

It was reserved for the Alien and Sedition laws of 1798^ 
to call forth from the opposition their first definite declaration 
of political principles. This is contained in the Kentucky and 
A'^irginia Resolutions and in the supplements thereto passed 
on receipt of the replies from other State Legislatures. But 
we find another instance of definite talk concerning disruption 
before these resolutions were passed. In May of 1798, the 
idea of separation arose in the South as a means of escape 
from the supremacy of Massachusetts and Connecticut, which 
had to the Southern States become unbearable. John Taylor 
of Virginia, by no means an luiimportant man, said " it was 
not unwise now to estimate the separate mass of Virginia 
and North Carolina with a view to their separate existence."^ 
Jefferson wrote him in relation to this matter, June 1st, 1798, 



' Gibbs, Mem. of Walcott, I. 107. Quoted by Von Hoist. 

* Von Hoist, I. 122-128; Ilildreth, IV. 488, 539-556, 590-616. 
^ Gibbs, Mem. of Walcott, I. 224. 

*\on Hoist, I. 142; Hiklreth, V. 216, 225-228. 

* Von Hoist, I. 143. 



257] Consolidation of the Union. 11 

that it would not be wise to proceed immediately to a dis- 
ruption of the Union when party passion was at such a 
hei<2;ht. ^ 

The Kentucky Resolutions^ of November 10th, 1798, and 
November 14th, 1799, really sounded the keynote of the 
Federalists' opponents, who had now come to be called Re- 
publicans. In brief their position Avas that the Constitution 
Nvas a compact to which the states were integral parties, and 
that each party had an equal right to judge for itself as well 
of infractions of that compact as of the mode and measiires 
of redress ; and that the rightful remedy against the oppres- 
sion of the central government or the exercise by it of any 
ungranted powers, was the nullification of any obnoxious act 
by the state or states objecting thereto. This was distinct 
and exact as far as it went, but it left to Calhoun and a greater 
crisis the logical pursuance of the doctrines to their farthest 
conclusions. 

If the claim to the rioht of nullification as set forth in 1799 
was well-srounded, the Constitution was indeed different from 
the Articles of Confederation in particulars, but the political 
character of the Union was essentially unchanged, and it was 
now as before, a confederation of the loosest structure. On 
this very point the comment has been well made : " to the 
extent that practice was in accord with theory a mere mechani- 
cal motion would have taken the place of organic life. Sooner 
or later even that would have ceased, for the state is an organ- 
ism, not a machine."^ 

Washington now, December 25th, 1798, in writing to 
Lafayette, declared that " the Constitution, according to their 
[the anti-Federalists'] interpretation of it, would be a mere 
cipher." * Three weeks later he wrote to Patrick Henry : 



•Jefferson, Works, IV. 245-248. 

2 Von Hoist, I. 144-100 ; Hildreth, V. 272-277, 296, 319-321. 

'VonHolst, I. 151, 152. 

* Washington, Works, XI. 378. 



12 The Efed of the War 0/ 1812 upon the [258 

" Measures are systematically and pertinaciously pursued 
which must eventually dissolve the Union or produce coer- 
cion. ^ 

Very shortly afterward the ultimate consequences of the 
Kentucky interpretation of the Constitution were boldly 
drawn .^ Tucker, whose edition of Blackstone appeared in 
1803, writes: "The Federal .government, then, appears to 
be the organ through which the united republics communi- 
cate with foreign nations and with each other. Their sub- 
mission to its operation is voluntary ; its councils, its engage- 
ments, its authority are theirs, modified and united. Its 
sovereignty is an emanation from theirs, not a flame in which 
they have been consumed, nor a vortex in which they have 
been swallowed up. Each is still a perfect state, still sover- 
eign, still independent and still capable, should the occasion 
require, to resume the exercise of its functions in the most 
unlimited extent."^ Surely there is little here that marks 
any degree of consolidation. This makes the Constitution 
but a bond of straw and the nation to be no nation ; nothincr 
but a mere conglomeration of independent commonwealths. 
And when we recollect that this view was that of a larsre 
majority of the people at that time, and then read anew the 
Constitution and its exposition as given by its framers, we 
must agree with John Quincy Adams in saying that "the 
Constitution itself had been extorted from the grinding neces- 
sity of a reluctant nation." * 

The hold of the Federalists, which had gradually been 
growing weaker, was effectually loosened once and forever by 
the presidential election of 1800. Up to that time that party 



' Washington, Works, XL 389. 

^ Von Hoist, I. 151, note. 

3 Tucker's Blackstone, Philadelphia, 1803, I., Part 1, Appendix, p. 187. 

* The Jubilee of the Constitution, a discourse delivered at the request of 
the New York Historical Society on Tuesday, the 30th of April, 1839, being 
the fiftieth anniversary of the inauguration of George Washington as Presi- 
dent of the United States, New York, 1839, p. 55. 



259] Consolidation of the Union. ^ 13 

had controlled the executive, the judiciaiy, and the Senate, 
althouoli the House of llepresentatives had on several occasions 
contained an opposition niajority. The accession of Jeiferson 
to power was the death-knell of the Federalist party, and 
from 1800 until their final dissolution they were an ineffective 
and vacillating minority. 

The downfall of the Federalist party explains in a great 
measure the security which the continuance of the Union 
enjoyed during the two following decades.^ The party which 
represented particidaristic and nullifying tendencies was in 
power and had an overwhelming majority, both legislative 
and popular, behind it. But although the possibility of a 
disruption was thus very small, yet the essence of the internal 
struggle remained the same. Indeed its character was placed 
in a clearer light by the facts that the parts played by each 
party were changed, so far as the question of right was con- 
cerned, and that the opposition, in spite of its weakness, was 
not satisfied with wishes and threats of separation, but began 
in earnest to devise plans of dissolution. 

These mutterings were first heard in connection with the 
purchase of Louisiana in 1803.^ The New England states 
especially opposed its consummation as affording to the south- 
ern states a source of power with which to become predom- 
inant in the Union for all future time ; and they feared that 
the incorporation of the western territory into the Union and 
its economic development would prove injurious to their own 
commerce. 

These two elements together had weight enough to draw 
from them the declaration that they would be forced to a 
separation from the Union. Plumer of New Hampshire 
declared in the Senate : " Admit this western world into the 
Union, and you destroy at once the weight and importance of 
the eastern states, and compel them to establish a separate 



•Hildreth, V. 414-418. 

* Von IIol!,t, I. 183-187 ; Hildreth, V. 478-481. 



14 The Effect of the War o/ 1812 upon the [260 

indepentlent empire."^ And also Griswold of Connecticut, 
the acknowledged leader of the Federalists, declared in the 
House, October 25th, 1803: "The vast unmanageable extent 
which the accession of Louisiana will give to the United States, 
the consequent dispersion of our population, and the distri- 
bution of the balance which it is so important to maintain 
between the eastern and the western states, threatens at no 
very distant day, the subversion of our Union." ^ And although 
chronologically out of place, it will not be amiss to recall the 
speech of Josiah Quincy, delivered in the House of Represen- 
tatives, January 14th, 1811, on the bill "To enable the People 
of the Territory of Orleans to form a Constitution and state 
Government, and for the admission of such state into the 
Union." ^ Mr. Quincy did not hold that a state had either 
a constitutional or a natural right to withdraw from the Union 
when it thought such a course best for its own interests ; but 
he did maintain that such a violation of the fundamental 
compact might be made that the moral obligation to maintain 
it ceased and the right of revolution attached. His words 
are : " — I am compelled to declare it as my deliberate opinion 
that, if this bill passes, the bonds of this Union are virtually 
dissolved ; that the states which compose it are free from 
their moral obligations : and that as it will be the right of all, 
so it will be the duty of some, to prepare definitely for a 
separation amicably, if they can; violently, if they must. . . . 
Suppose, in private life, thirteen form a partnership and ten 
of them undertake to admit a new partner without the con- 
currence of the other three, would it not be at their option to 
abandon the partnersiiip after so palpable infringement of their 
rights ? How much more in political partnership, where the 
admission of new associates, without previous authority, is so 
pregnant with obvious dangers and evils. . . . This bill, 



'Von Hoist, I. 187, note. 
"Von Hoist, I. 187, note. 
3 Hildreth, VI. 266. 



261] ConsoVidation of the Union. 15 

if it passes, is a deatli-blow to tlie Constitution. It may 
afterwards linger; but lingering, its fate will, at no very- 
distant period be consummated." ^ 

Recollecting the date at which this speech was delivered, it 
will be noticed that it is of very great im])ortance in connection 
with our subject, as showing that just previous to the outbreak 
of the war with Great Britain, such opinions, marking no real 
consolidation in the Union, were openly expressed on the floor 
of the National Legislature. 

The statement not infrequently made, that at the time of the 
Louisiana purchase there were no serious thoughts of a disrup- 
tion of the Union is untrue. In the letters of the Federalists 
we find not only that wishes to that end were expressed, but 
that formal plans were devised. It is admitted that they had 
no prospect of success ; yet the fact that they were so seriously 
discussed is another link in the chain of cumulative evidence 
to prove that the Union, so-called, was really no Union at 

Later, in 1806, when it seemed as if the north and the south 
had begun to close the breach between them, came the embargo 
question to tear open the old sores and create new ones."^ And 
in this case, at least, the opposition acted not from sentiment 
alone, for the embargo touched the pockets of a great part of 
the country, "The planters' staple articles, principally tobacco 
and cotton, remained unsold, but the planters themselves suf- 
fered relatively but little damage. Their })roducts would keep 
and they Avere sure of finding a market again as soon as the 
harbors were open. The farmers sold a considerable portion 
of their products in the country itself, but the rest was a total 
loss. The productive industry of the New England fishermen. 



' An abstract of this celebrated speech and an account of the circumstances 
attending its delivery will be found in the "Life of Josiah Quincy," by his 
son, Ednuind Quincy, Boston, 1867. Pp. 205-218. 

*VonIIolst, I. 198-199. 

3 Von Hoist, I. 201-217. 



16 The Effect of the War 0/ 1812 iqwn the [262 

ship-builders, ship-owners, importers and exporters, and all 
who were dependent on them, ceased almost entirely."^ 

" In this dispute also it is impossible not to recognize a 
division of parties arising from diverse interests produced by 
geographical position, and every struggle in which this played 
any part became in consequence doubly bitter. The South, 
which held the balance of powder in the reigning party and so 
was primarily responsible for the embargo, would have least 
to suffer from it. The powerless minority of the New England 
states, the consideration of whose interests, it was pretended, 
dictated the measures of the administration, had greatest cause 
for complaint. The middle states occupied a position betokened 
by their name ; their interests unquestionably inclined them 
more toward the North, but they wavered from one side to the 
other." ^ Nowhere here do we see any disposition to consult 
each other's interests as if the good of one were the advantage 
of the whole. No such advanced idea of the national unity 
then existed. 

The investigation of the information bought by Madison 
from the British spy, Henry ,^ discloses still further the fact 
that at this time secession was regarded as the panacea for all 
real or fancied oppressions. Henry's mission confessedly was 
to find out and report to his chief. Sir James Craig, Governor 
of Canada, how far the Federalists would feel inclined to look 
to England for support in case of a disruption of the Union. 
One of the most distinguished sons of Massachusetts was of 
opinion that Henry would find support enough for his opera- 
tions, if the Administration's policy w^as not changed. As 
early as November, 1808, John Quincy Adams expressed the 
fear that this might lead to civil war. Later he claimed to 
have unequivocal evidence to prove that there was a systematic 



>Von Hoist, I. 209. Cf. Benton, Ab. Debates of Congress, III. 692; 
IV, 64. 

2 Von Hoist, I. 209, 210. 

3 Von Hoist, I. 221, 222 ; Hildreth, VI. 284-287, 390. 



2G3] Consolidation of the Union. 17 

attempt inaking; to dissolve the Union. In his opinion New 
Eni!:lan(l would have undoubtedly made sure of the assistance 
of Great Britain if the Administration had made civil war 
inevitable by an effort to overcome the resistance to the 
embargo by force or by extending- it farther.^ 

In this hasty glance at the salient points in the history of 
the country from 1789 to 1811, in so far as it bears upon our 
subject, we find nationalization nowhere, decentralization every- 
where. Secession, so far from being regarded as unconstitu- 
tional or unjustifiable under any circumstances, was the club 
WMth which every minority on any important question strove 
to beat the majority to terms. It mattered not what opinions 
as to ultimate sovereignty the parties held. Such considera- 
tions as this were lost sight of in the strifes of sectional l)reju- 
dices and the clash of material interests. " Judged from an 
impartial standpoint, the fact that the possibility of civil war 
or a division of the Union were so frequently and on relatively 
insignificant occasions, thought of on both sides, may be fairly 
taken as a measure of the degree of consolidation which the 
Union had attained at that time. The actual condition of 
affairs presented so unusual a complication of positive and 
negative factors so peculiarly grouped, that it was no easy 
matter to determine their sum total." ^ It is interesting to 
read here the following words, uttered in 1828:^ "It is a 
melancholy reflection — a subject that excites our best and 
inmost feelings — that projects or speculations as to a dissolu- 
tion have been so frequently indulged. That leading men in 
Virginia looked to a dismemberment in 1798-9, when the 
armory was built; that Burr and his confederates had an eye 
to the establishment of a western government in 1805-6; that 
many contemplated a building up of the 'Nation of New 
England' from 1808 to 1815, seems to us undoubted; but 



> Von Kolst, I. 222, 223. 
«VonIIolst, I. 220, 221. 
3 See Niles' Register, XXXV. p. 210. 

2 



18 The Efect of the Wwr of 1812 ujwn the [264 

the lengtlis to which cither party proceeded rest very much on 
conjecture or depend on opinion. . . . But whatever have 
been the designs of individuals, we have always believed that 
the vast body of the jDcople have ever been warmly attached to 
the Union." In view of our discussion the last sentiment, 
however desirable, certainly seems unwarranted, and at the 
declaration of war in June of 1812 we have the spectacle of a 
government composed of eighteen^ sovereign integers, each 
looking to its own interest alone, never consulting the general 
weal, and claiming the right and the duty to secede from the 
so-called Union whenever such a course mio-ht seem most 
favorable to its individual interests. What effect the war with 
Great Britain was to have upon the consolidation of the Union, 
we can now understandingly inquire. 

Into a detailed account of the course of events abroad which 
brought about the war of 1812 we must not here enter. But 
we must examine the causes and character of the war in so far 
as they have a direct bearing upon parties and sections in the 
United States. 

The beginning of 1808 saw the Berlin and Milan decrees of 
Na])oleon and the Orders in Council of England all in force,^ 
and Jeiferson, his second term nearing its close, at the helm of 
state in the United States. To his Administration five courses 
of action w^ere open, some one of which must be adopted as its 
own and worked out to its logical conclusion. This choice 
lay between (1) doing nothing and allowing the individual 
ship-owners to help themselves as best they might; or (2) 
attempting a further negotiation with England; or (3) sus- 
pending all commerce with the outside world ; or (4) granting 

' In addition to the original thirteen states t]ie following liad been admit- 
ted into the Union : Vermont, March 4th, 1791 ; Kentucky, June 1st, ] 792; 
Tennessee, June 1st, 1796; Ohio, November 29th, 1802; Louisiana, April 
8th, 1812. 

2 Hildreth, VI. 32-35. The Berlin decree was dated November 21st, ISOG, 
and the Milan decree, December 17th, 1807. The Orders in Council were 
of the date of May 10th, 1806 and November 11th, 1807, respectively. 



265] ConsoUdadon of the Union. 19 

letters of marque and reprisal to American ship-owners ; or 
(5) declaring war upon England innnediatcly. Of these pos- 
sible lines of pt>licy, entrance upon the fourth or fifth was 
precluded, for a time at least, by a wholesome fear of the 
British navy; the first was shut off by a- feeling for the 
national honor; tlie third was the choice of the Administration ; 
but tlie second had recommended itself as the most natural 
and as having precedents in the country's history. Indeed it 
had been tried, resulting in the treaty which was agreed upon 
in December, 1800, but to ^v^lich Jefferson had refused his 
assent without ever submitting it to the Senate. This step 
having thus failed, the Administration had been free to pursue 
its chosen policy, and to tlie Tenth Congress, October 2Gt]i, 
1807, the President recommended an embargo/ His recom- 
mendation was dutifully accepted by his party followers in 
Couirress, and the embary-o became a law before the end of the 
year. The Federalists upon whose New England constitu- 
encies the measure bore heaviest, opposed the measure both on 
economic and on constitutional grounds, and their discussion 
of this question presents us with what was destined to be but 
one of many mortifying exhibitions of the old party of the 
Constitution. But on the constitutional objection it was over- 
matched and was forced to fall back to the vantage ground of 
the economic arijument. And this in turn was little heeded 
by the party in power, so long as it did not come directly home 
to themselves. But when it began to touch their own pockets, 
as it did a few months later, then human nature proved to be 
too strong for party sentiment.^ So evident did this become 
that Nicholas, of Virginia, the Administration leader on the 
floor of the House of Representatives, himself introduced, 
January 25th, 1809, a resolution favoring the repeal of tlie 
embargo and the defence of our maritime rights against all 
belligerents.^ After some haggling as to the date on which 



» Hildretli, VI. 55, 56. 

"Hiiareth, VI. 9G-100. 

3 Von Uoht, I. 214; Ilildrctli, VI. 125-180. 



20 The Effect of the War of 1812 upon the [266 

the Embargo Act should expire, March loth, 1809, was agreed 
upon as a compromise and the resokitions were passed. This 
virtually threw the United States back to the position in which 
it was when confronted by five possible courses of action, while 
two of the five, — those by further negotiation and cutting off 
all intercourse with the outside world — proved useless by the 
failure of the treaty and of the embargo. The prospect of an 
amicable solution of the difficulty by a further treaty was poor 
indeed, if we consider the spirit of the British Government and 
the hostility of the Republican party to everything British. 
In Great Britain Mr. Fox was dead and a new Administration 
had come into power strongly retrograde in policy and having 
George Canning for its soul. Great Britain was determined 
to recover her commerce and to take back her seamen, and the 
United States had no alternative but to submit or fight. The 
resumption of commerce and its defence, referred to in the 
Nicholas resolutions, must then be by war. 

The Eleventh Congress at its first session voted the con- 
tinuance of the non-intercourse Act with Great Britain, and 
then two years passed during which the latter continued the 
execution of her offensive orders and decrees against neutral 
commerce. But when the Twelfth Congress assembled in 
November, 1811, it was felt that some decisive action would 
soon be taken.^ The leadership of the dominant party had 
been assumed by younger and more impetuous men ; and 
with Clay as Speaker of the House, Calhoun standing second 
on the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and Crawford and 
Grundy acting with them, war was certain within the ycar.^ 

The move was quick and emphatic. On November 29th 
Calhoun's committee reported a resolution declaring '' For- 
bearance has ceased to be a virtue. . . . The period has 
aiTived when in the opinion of your committee it is the sacred 



* For tlie personal and party constitution of tlie Twelfth Congress, see 
Hildretli, VI. 259, 2G0. 
-Von Hoist, I. 226. 



267] Consolidation of the Union. 21 

duty of Con_o:rcss to call forth the resources and patriotism of 
the country."^ In addition the committee recommended that 
the standing army be increased by 10,000 men and that the 
President be authorized to call 50,000 volunteers under arms. 
This was all acceded to without any delay by au overwhelm- 
ing majority. 

But such resolutions were inoperative without the coopera- 
tion of the President, and he was for peace. Fortune, how- 
ever, favored the war party. A presidential election would 
take place in the following autumn and Madison was anxious 
for a second term. In this the leaders of the war faction saw 
their opportunity. They waited upon Madison and plainly 
told him that the condition sine qua non of their support in 
the coming campaign was his acceptance of their war policy. 
Madison knew very well that both Monroe and Gerry were 
rejidy and willing to accept the })residential nomination on a 
war platform. This determined his action, and he gave in 
his adherence to the war party.' 

On April 3rd he wrote to Jefferson that the action of the 
S'*itish government in refusing to repeal the Orders in Council 
had lett tL t United States no option but to prepare for war, and 
that an embargo of sixty days duration had been recommended.^ 
This recommendation had already been sent in on April 1st. It 
was acted upon by Congress, but the war party could not wait. 
\ They drove Madison on, and on June 1st he sent in his mes- 
"•'ige recommending a declaration of Mar.* Two days after- 
ward Calhoun reported on it from his committee, and the 
declaration was carried in the House by a vote of 79 to 49. 
The Senate was more deliberate, and after two weeks' delay it 
passed the declaration, June 17th, by a vote of 17 to lo. 

An analysis of this vote is interesting as showing the sec- 
tional character of the war party and of the opposition to it. 



' Von Hoist, I. 22fi-227 ; Ilildreth, VI. 2G2-265. 
*Von Hoist, I. 2:^0-232; Hildreth, VI. 2S9-291. 
3 Ilildreth, VI, 291-294. 
* Von Hoist, I. 2.S2, 233 ; Hildreth, VI. 303-306. 



22 The Effect of the War 0/ 1812 upon the [268 

Louisiana, making the eighteenth state, had just been admitted, 
and the House contained 177 members apportioned in the ratio 
of one to every thirty-five thousand inhabitants. There were 
36 members of the Senate, thus making a total of 213 in both 
houses, not inckiding the Vice-President who was presiding 
in the Senate. The New York delegation of 27 was then for 
the first time more numerous than tliat of every other state. 
Pennsylvania was second with 23 members, and Virginia 
third with 22. I^he members from New Hampshire, most 
of those from Massachusetts (which then included what is 
now the state of ISIaine), those from C^onnecticut, EIkkIg- 
Island, New Jersey and Delaware, with several from New 
York, some from Virginia and North Carolina, one from 
Pennsylvania and three from JMaryland, opposed the war. 
The members from Vermont, some from New York, all but 
one from Pennsylvania, most of them from Maryland, Vir- 
ginia and North Carolina, all from South Carolina, Georgia, 
Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio, and Louisiana, supported it. 
New Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, 
and Delaware were represented by senators who opposed 
the war. Massachusetts and Maryland were divided, while 
Vermont, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, South 
Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio, and Louisi- 
ana were represented by senators who supported the war. 
Of the large sea-board cities, Boston and New York were 
represented by members found in the minority. The dele- 
gations from Philadelphia, Baltimore, Charleston, and New 
Orleans were with the majority. The eastern states as a 
rule opposed the war ; the western states were all for it, 
with the southern and middle states divided. The })ractical 
feature was that the war administration could command a 
majority of nearly forty votes in the House and one of four 
or five votes in the Senate. 

Taking the reasoning portion of the community as the judge, 
probably tlu; declaration of war was mostly condemned; but the 
instinctive patriotism of the young men of the country enthusias- 



269] Consolidation of the Union. 23 

tically maintained it. Few denied that sufficient cause for the 
war existed, but the time and mode of its declaration were con- 
demned. Defensive though the Avar ai)|)eared to be, yet it was 
offensive in that it was vohmtarily undertaken by tlie United 
States to compel Great Britain by the invasion and conquest 
of her North American dependencies, to respect our maritime 
rights as neutrals. 

A united sentiment on the part of the people, more espe- 
cially those from whom men and money must principally be 
drawn, would have excused in a groat measure the haste and 
lack of preparation with which the war had been declared 
and would soon 'have filled up the ranks of the army and 
the coffers of the treasury. But any such unanimity was 
entirely wanting. The policy of the old Republicans, witli 
the excei)tion of the small class of Francomaniacs, as well as 
of the Federalists, had been alike neutrality and peace. But 
however peaceful might have been the intentions of Jefferson 
and his close followers, there had always been a faction, more 
or less large, which was determined to bring about a war with 
Great Britain. This faction had served as the nucleus about 
which various forces and tendencies had caused the now trium- 
phant war party to crystallize. 

But that the war was a party one was too evident to be 
denied even by its warmest advocates. In the first place we 
have the important address to tlieir constituents by thirty- 
four members of the minority in the House of Representa- 
tives.^ This address held, in substance, that the United 
States was a nation [sic) com])osed of eighteen independent 
sovereignties united by a moral obligation only. It went on 
to say : " — above all, it ai)peared to the undersigned from 
signs not to be mistaken, that if we entered upon this war, 
we did it as a divided peopie ; not only from a sense of the 
inadequacy of our means to success, l)ut from moral and 
})oli(icj\l objections of great weight and very general influ- 
ence.'' These "moral and political objections" were con- 

1 Niles' Register, II. 309-315. 






24 The Efed of the War 0/ 1812 vjyon the [270 

sidered by the authors of the address to have the greatest 
weight, and to tlieir words the next presidential election -gave 
a peculiar emphasis. The war was the live issue of the cam- 
paign and the result showed more phiinly than had been done 
in many years before, the geographical separation of parties. 
All the New England states excepting Vermont, together 
with New York, New Jersey and Delaware cast their elec- 
toral vote solidly for De Witt Clinton. Maryland was 
divided, while Pennsylvania and all the southern and wes- 
tern states voted unanimously for Madison.^ Aside from 
what such a separation as this too plainly indicates, the 
proof that the war was a sectional one is cumulative. Six ' 
months before the declaration was made, Macon of North 
Carolina, one of the most distinguished of the war party, 
said : " And here, sir, permit me to say that I hope this is 
to be no party war, but a national war. . . . Such a war, 
if \yar we shall have, can alone, in my judgment, obtain the 
end for which we mean to contend, without any disgrace."^ 
And two years later Webster in his forcible rhetoric declared : 
" The truth is, sir, that party support is not the kind of sup- 
port necessary to sustain the country through a long, expen- 
sive, and bloody contest ; and this should have been considered 
before the war was declared. The cause, to be successful, must 
be upheld by other sentiments and higher motives. It must 
draw to itself the sober approbation of the great mass of the 
people. It must enlist, not their temporary or party feelings, 
but their steady patriotism and their constant zeal. Unlike 
the old nations of Europe, there are in this country no dregs 
of population fit only to supply the constant waste of war and 
out of which an army can be raised for hire at any time and 
for any jjurpose. Armies of any magnitude can be here noth- 
ing but the people emboaiod ; • and if the object be one for which 
the people will not embody there can be no armies."^ 

> Noted by \'on Hoist, I. 23G. 

* Benton, Ab. Debates of Congress, IV. 452. 

3 Benton, Ab. Debates of Congress, V. 139. 



•s? 



271] Consolidation of the Union. 25 

But previously, in his celebrated Fourth of July oration at 
Portsmouth, in 1812,^ Webster had taken the ground that the 
war was unjustifiable in political economy, but that it was now 
legally declared and had become the law of the land, and ail 
citizens, including those of New England, although they saw 
that their personal interests had been disregarded, should ])ay 
their share of the expenses and render personal service to the 
full and just extent of their constitutional liability. Here the 
old question again arose. AVho is to decide what that consti- 
tutional liability includes? And here again is seen the absurd 
and disgraceful position of the once-honored Faleralists. All 
of the New England legislatures, excepting that of Vermont, 
as well as that of New Jersey, planted themselves upon the 
ground marked out for them by Webster, Avith the further 
and, in the light of the past history of the men engaged 
in the movement, ludicrously extreme position taken by the 
Supreme Court of Massachusetts and the military commander 
of Rhode Island. The outgrowth of this doctrine was the 
refusal of militia aid by New England and, a little later, the 
Hartford Convention.^ 

Upon the history and work of the Hartford Convention we 
need not dwell longer than to recall the fact that the states in 
sending delegates to the Convention v/ere committing an extra- 
constitutional and, to say the least, highly unnational act, that 
their report read like a revised edition of Madison's Virginia 
Resolutions, that they urged specific constitutional amend- 
ments, some of which — notably those calling for the prohibi- 
tion of commercial intercourse, the admission of new states, 
and the declaration of war by a two-thirds majority only of 
both houses of Congress — sound strangely like process under 
tiie old Confederation regime, 1781-7. As showing the anti- 
_/: . 

> Curtis, Life of Daniel AVebster, I. 105. Cf. Webster's Speech in the 
House of Representatives, January 14th, 1814, Benton, Ab. Debates of Con- 
gress, V. 138. 

'^\o\\ Hoist, I. 260-272; Ilikhetli, \\. 472, 473, 532-535, 545-553. Cf. 
Dwight, History of the Hartford Conventiuu. 



^ 

«? 



L 



26 The Effect of the War of 1812 upon the [272 

national tendencies prevalent at the time, the report of the 
Hartford Convention is of interest to us. But the almost 
immediate conclusion of peace put an end to any attempts 
to carrv out its sugo-estions. 

With the conclusion of the war came a calm, and in its 
quiet we are able to discern what were the effects of the con- 
llict upon the great internal question in the United States. 

Looking back from our standpoint of the present we can 
easily conclude that as a matter of right the war was certainly 
fully justified, but as an economic policy its expediency must 
be questioned. It had lasted two and one-half years and 
raised the national debt from §45,000,000 to §127,000,000, 
or at the rate of somewhat more than $30,000,000 a year. 
Yet its political effect was cheaply bought even at that price. 
Although not destined to be permanent, the national feeling it 
produced was something entirely novel, but none the less 
excellent. 

From 1800 to 1815 the old national party, the Federalists, 
driven by the necessities of opposition and selfishness, gravi- 
tated over to the particularistic doctrine, but lost weight at 
each step, until finally, like a candle burned to its socket, they 
flickered faintly in the Hartford Convention and then went 
out forever. On the other hand, the Republicans, led by the 
jiossession of power and, it were charitable to suppose, a more 
enlightened intelligence, grew stronger day by day as they 
gave up, in practice at least, their old particularistic and strict 
construction theories for a more broadly national platform. 
That the sentiment of the people at large had correspondingly 
changed is shown by the next presidential election. When 
the votes of the election for the eighth presidential term were 
counted, it was found that only 34 out of 217 had been cast 
for Federalist candidates. Even Rhode Island now severed 
lier connection with her old friends, ]Massachusetts and Con- 
necticut, although Delaware now joined them. How demoral- 
ized the Federalist party had become appears still more clearly 
wlien we see how their votes for Vice-President were scattered. 



273] Consolidation of the Union. 27 

Massachusetts voted solidly i'or John Eager Howard of Mary- 
land, Dehnvai-e did the same for Robert G. Harper of 
Maryland, while Connecticut gave five votes to James Koss 
of Pennsylvania and four to John Marshall of A^irginia. 
These three states alone cast any electoral votes against the 
Republican candidates. The Republicans now, for the instant 
at any rate, a national party, remained masters of the field 
and until circumstances should develop new party issues their 
supremacy was assured. 

Strano-clv euoutrh sound the testimonies to the unilVing 
influence of the war given by men who belonged to the same 
party that Jefferson had once led. And we know of no 
better way to show this effect of the war than by a few selec- 
tions from the political correspondence of the leading men of 
the period. 

Almost with a voice of prophecy Gallatin had written to 
Nicholson, July 17th, 1807, in regard to the war which was 
even then looked forward to : " In fact the greatest mischiefs 
M-liich I apprehend from the war are the necessary increase of 
executive power and influence . . . and the introduction of 
permanent military and naval establishments,"^ both of which 
we know to be the concomitants of a perfect nation. 

September 6th, 1815, Gallatin writes to Jefferson, then in 
retirement at Monticello : "The war has been useful. The 
character of America stands now as high as ever on the Euro- 
pean continent and higher than it ever did in Great Britain. 
I may say that we are favorites everywhere except at courts, 
and even there we are personally respected and considered as 
the nation designed to check the naval despotism of Eng- 
land." - 

Again he writes to Jefferson, under the date of Xovember 
27th, 1815: "The war has been successfully and honorably 
terminated; a debt of no more than eighty millions incurred, 
Louisiana paid for, and an incipient navy created; our popu- 



> Henry Adams, The "Writings of Albert Gallatin, I. 339. 
'^ Adams, Writings of Albert Gallaiin, I. Gol, 652. 



28 The Effect of the War of 1812 upon the [274 

lation increased in the same and our resources in a much 
greater proportion ; our revenue greater than ever." ^ 

Gallatin says to Matthew Lyon,- I\Iay 7th, 1816: "The 
"svar has been productive of evil and good, but I think the 
good preponderates. Independent of the loss of lives and of 
the losses in property by individuals, the war has laid the 
foundation of permanent taxes and military establishments 
which the Republicans had deemed unfavorable to the happi- 
ness and free institutions of the country. But under our 
former system we were becoming too selfish, too much attached 
exclusively to the acquisition of wealth, above all, too much 
confined in our political feelings to local and State objects. 
The war has renewed and reinstated the national feelings 
and character which the Hevolution had given and which 
were daily lessened. The people have now more general 
objects of attachment with which their pride and political 
opinions are connected. They are more Americans ; they feel 
and act more as a nation, and I hope that the permanency of 
the Union is thereby better secured." ^ 

And twenty years later, when the smoke of the old battle 
had cleared away and another conflict, this time one of prin- 
ciples, was waging, Gallatin wa'ites to Edward Everett, Janu- 
ary, 1835: "I do insist on the undeniable fact that the 
national character has been entirely redeemed by the late war, 
and that at this time no country is held by foreign nations and 
governments in higher respect and consideration than the 
United States." ^ 



' Adams, Writings of Albert Gallatin, I. 667. 

'^ Matthew Lyon represented a Vermont district in the House of Eepre- 
sentatives from 1797 to 1801, and a Kentucky district from 1803 to 1811. 
For some of the incidents of his sensational political career, see Hildreth, 
V. 80, 187-191, 247-250, 295; VI. 238, 239; and also McMaster, A History 
of the People of the United States from the Eevolution to the Civil War. 
Kew York, D. Appleton & Company, 1885. Vol. II. pp. 327-320, 356, 363- 
3675- 399-402, 430, 532. 

^ Adams, Writings of Albert Gallatin, I. 700. 

"Adams, Writings of Albert Gallatin, 11. 500. 



275] Consolidation of the Union. 29 

Jefferson writes to Gallatin, May ISth, ISIG, in reference 
to the lack of political dissension in A'irginia, and says: " This 
spontaneons and universal concurrence of sentiment has not 
been artificially produced. I consider this as presenting an 
element of character in our people ■which must constitute the 
basis of every estimate of the solidity and duration of our 
government." ^ Strange words these to come from the pen 
which drew up the Kentucky resolutions ! 

Crawford, in a letter to Gallatin, bearing the date of Octo- 
ber 27th, 1817, writes: "The President's tour through the 
East has produced something like a political jubilee. They 
were in the land of steady habits, at least for the time, ' all 
Federalists, all liepublicans.' A general absolution of politi- 
cal sins seems to have been mutually agreed upon." ^ 

The war had ruined the particularists ; it had made all 
nationalists, if we fflay use the word. The bonds of the early 
days of the revolution were forged anew and the nation's heart 
beat as one. Patriotism and national pride had conquered 
sectionalism and personal selfishness. The era of good feeling 
had dawned.^ But it was the ominous calm that precedes the 
tempest. 

AA'ith this position gained and all foreign entanglements re- 
moved by Waterloo and its consequences, the United States 
was thrown back on itself and the fire of slavery which had 
been smoldering in its bosom now found an opportunity to 
burst forth afresh and kindle the conflagration from v.hich 



* Adams, Writings of Albert Gallatin, I. 705. 

5 Adams, "Writings of Albert Gallatin, II. o5 ; Hildreth, VI. G23. 

^ Owing to the fact that this essay was Avritten before the excellent His- 
tory of the United States of America under tlie Constitution, by James 
Schouler, Washington, 1886, was publislied, uo references to that work ilre 
made. Volumes I. and II. of Mr. Scliouler's History, embracing the period 
discussed in this monograpli, are particularly important for the proper 
imderstanding of the influences at work in it. In Vol. II. 4o2-4o4, it is 
gratifying to find the author taking the view of the elFect of the War of 
1812 that is developed in this essay. 



30 The Efect of ihe War of 1812. [276 

the camp-fires of the great civil war forty years later were 
to be lighted. 

But because the good effect of the second war with Great 
Britain was soon swept away by the slavery dispute, we must 
not overlook the fact that such an effect existed. The country 
entered the war distracted, indifferent, and particularistic ; it 
emerged from it united, enthusiastic, and national. But the 
ebb was to be greater than the flow, and half a century was to 
elapse before the conditions of national unity which existed in 
the years immediately following the war of 1812 were again 
to be plainly observ^ed in our political history. 



P>X7T3X.XC.A.TION"S OF TH-H! 

JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY 



I. American Journal of Mathematics. 

S. >;k\vc()M1!, Kditor, and T. Crak;, Associate Editor. Quarterly. 4to. 
Volunu' IX in i)roi,'ross. $5 per volume. 

II. American Chemical Journal. 

1. Kkmsen, Editor, lii-inonthly. 8vo. Volume IX in progress. $3 per 
volume. 

III. American Journal of Philology. 

B. L. GiLDKR^LEEVE, Editor. Quarterly. 8vo. Volume VIII in progress. 

$.'^ per volume. 

IV. Studies from the Biological Laboratory. 

Including tiie Chesapeake Zoological Laboratory. H. N. Maktin, Editor, 
and W. K. Brooks, Associate Editor. 8vo. Volume IV in progress. 
$5 per volume. 

V. Studies in Historical and Political Science. 

H. B. Adams, Editor. Monthly. Svo. N'olume V in progress. $3 per 
volume. 

VI. Johns Hopkins University Circulars. 

Containing reports of scientiiic and literary work in progress in Baltimore. 
4to. Vol. VI in progress. §1 per year. 

VII. Annual Report. 

Presented by the President to the Board of Trustees, reviewing the opera- 
tions of the University during the past academic year. 

VIII. Annual Register. 

Giving tiie list of otlicers and students, and stating the regulations, etc., of the 
University. Published at the dose of the academic year. 



Eowland's Photograph of the Normai, Soi.ar Spsr-TRrM. Set of seven 

plates unmounted $10, mounted $12; single plates unmounted $2, mounted 

$2.25. 1886. 
Reproduction in Phototype of a Syriac MS. with the AntilEgomena 

Eplstles. Edited by I. H. Hall. 1886. $3, paper; $4, cloth. 
Studies in Logic. Bv members of the .Johns Hopkins Universitv. C. S. Peirce, 

Editor. (Boston.' Little, Brown & Co.) 1883. 123 pp. 12mo. $2.00. 
The Development and Propagation of the Oyster in Maryt^and. By 

W.K.Brooks. 1884. 193 pp. 4to; 13 plates and 3 maps. $5.00. 
On the Mechanical Equivalent of Heat. By IL A. Rowland. 1880. 

127 pp. 8vo. $1.50. 

New Testament Autographs. By J. Rendel Harris. 1882. 54 pp. 8vo; 4 

plates. 50 cents. 
Selected Morphological Monographs. W. K. Brooks, Editor. Vol. I. 

1887. 370 pp. and 51 plates. 4to. $7.50, cloth. 



Communications in respect to exchanges and remittances may be 
sent to the Johns Hopkins University (Publication Agency), Balti- 
more, Maryland. 



Established 183 7. 



JOHN MURPHY & GO'S RECENT PUBLICATIONS. 



Index to Maryland Decisions, 

From First Harris and McHenry to Sixty-first Maiyland 
Reports, including Bland and Johnson. {With references to 
the Digests) By James T. Ringgold, of the Baltimore Bar. 
One Vol., Octavo, 1189 pages, Law Sheep, $10, Interleaved 
copies in two volumes, $14. 



Laws of Maryland. Passed at j 

Session, 1886. Octavo, Law Sheep 



anuary 

$5. 



The Peabody Series Illustrated 



Arranged and Graded for the use of 



Retail Price. Wholesale Price. 

12 ceuts. 10 cents. 



READING BOOKS, 
the Schools. 

PRIMER, - 
INFANT READER, 
FIRST READER, 
SECOND READER, 
THIRD READER, 
FOURTH READER, 
FIFTH READER, 
SIXTH READER, 

Sample Copies to Teachers and School Officers sent by mail prepaid on receipt 
of net wholesale price. 

Correspondence solicited with reference to the Examination and Introduction 
of above Readers. 

jg^^Special Rates for Introduction or Exchange. 



15 




12 




20 




17 




30 




25 




40 




35 




50 




40 




GO 




50 




50 




60 





We have united with our house a l.arg-e and extensive 
PRINTING OFFICE, which, Avith an experience of nearly 
half a century, enables us 10 <)rter superior advantaj^es iu 
the execution of all work. 

JOHN IVriJRPHY &> CO., 

Publishers, Printers and Stationers, Baltimore. 



LAW BOOKS, 

PUBLISHED BY 

CUSHINGS & BAILEY, 

BALTIMORE, MD. 



10 00 



ALEXANDER'S BRITISH STATUTES IN FORCE IN MARY- 
LAND. 1 vol. Svo §10 00 

BARROLL'S MARYLAND CHANCERY PRACTICE. 1 vol. Svo... 3 00 
BLAND'S " " REPORTS. 3 vols. Svo.... 15 00 

BUMP'S FEDERAL PROCEDURE. 1 vol. Svo 6 50 

FRAUDULENT CONVEYANCES. Third Edition. 1 vol. 

Svo 6 50 

EVANS' MARYLAND COMMON LAW PRACTICE. 1 vol. Svo 4 00 

HINKLEY & MAYER ON LAW OF ATTACHMENT IN MARY- 
LAND. 1 vol. Svo 3 00 

MARYLAND DIGEST, by Norris, Brown & Brune. 

Comprising Harris & McHenry, 4 vols. ; — Harris & 
Johnson, 7 vols. ;— Harris & Gill, 2 vols.; — Gill & 

Johnson, 12 vols.; — Bland's Chancery, 3 vols 

" DIGEST, BY Stockett, Merrick & Miller. -j 

Comprising Gill, 9 vols. ; — Maryland, 1-8 inc. ;— l 10 00 
Johnson's Chancery, 4 vols J 

« DIGEST, BY Cohen & Lee. ■) ^^ ^^ 

Comprising 9-20 inc. Maryland / 

" DIGEST, BY BURGWYN. \ jQ QQ 

Comprising 21 to 45 inc. Maryland i 

POE'S PLEADING AND PRACTICE. 2 vols. 

Vol. 1, Pleading. Second Edition in press. 

" 2, Practice 7 00 

GROUND RENTS IN MARYLAND. By Lewis Mayer, Esq., of 

the Baltimore Bar. 1 vol 1 50 

MARYLAND REPORTS. 60 vols. 1S51 to 1883. Per vol 4 00 

A few complete sets of Maryland Reports on hand at present, comprising : 

Harris & McHenry's Reports, 4 vols. ; — Harris & Johnson's Reports, 7 
vols. ; — Harris & Gill's Reports, 2 vols. ; — Gill & Johnson's Reports, 
12 vols.; — Gill's Reports, 9 vols.; — Maryland Reports, (30 vols.; — 
Bland's Chancery Reports, 3 vols. ; — Johnson's Chancery Reports, 4 
vols. ; — 101 vols. For sale cheap. 
They also keep a large and complete stock of Tjaw, Classical, Medical and 
^liscellaneous Publications, which they oftor for sale at low prices. 

Agents for Sale of the Publications of the Johns Hopkins 
University. 



THE MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY. 



"This splendid magazine is unsectarian and iinsectlonal, including in its scope themes locally 
interesting to all paiis of the country — north, south, east, and west — and is truly a magazine of 
American history in its widest sense. The past and the present alike pass in review iu its broad, 
fair pages." — The Morning Telegram, Mobile. Alabama. 

"All things considered, no magazine issued in this country appeals as strongly as this to the 
ii teresis of American readers In its pages, from month to month, appear the freshest, best 
authenticated, and most readable accounts of the great events in our national history, with 
entertaining sketches of Americans who have been prominent in the gieat movements of the age, 
besides much information of a miscellaneous character (jertaining to the country and its history. 
It is printed in huge, clear type, and copiously illustrated." — New York Observer. 

"It is a magniticent periodical, finely and beautifully illustratid, and a credit to American 
scholarship. Its aim is to explore and develop the rich mines of historical materials in our own 
country." — Cumberland Preshi/teriaii. 

"This magazine stands quite alone, both in England and America, for general attractiveness 
in its own chosen field." — Bos/on Advertiser. 

" It is exquisitely printed on fine paper, and remarkably well edited." — Toledo Commercial. 

"The aim and .scojje of this magazine is such as to commend it to every tl)oughtful student of 
American history and every friend of Republican Institutions." — The Practical Farmer. 



THE MAGAZINE OF AMEBICAN HISTORY, 

An illustrated monthly devoted to history, and the literature, antiquities, and curiosities of 
history, which, being popular and pleasing in style, has achieved unparalleled success. It deals 
with every problem in American history, from the most remote period to the present hour, and 
it is as readable as any work of fiction. Its seventeenth volume begins with the January 

number, 1887. 

Subscription Price, $5 a Year in Advance. 

To public libraries and reading rooms, and to all educational institutions this magazine has 
long since become an actual necessity. 

It is also one of the best of household journals, and it has the largest circulation of any maga- 
zine of its character in the world. 

Having grown remarkably prosperous during the past year, it is now prepared to extend its 
usefulness to every quarter of tlie country, and to foreign lands. It will continue to oti'er 

COMBINATION SUBSCRIPTION RATES, 

as this method has proved a great convenience to persons residing at a distance, and particularly 

to schools, colleges, and reading rooms. 

Magazine of American History, and the Forum, - - - - - -$8oo 

Magazine of American History, The Century, and Harper's Magazine, lo 50 

Magazine of American History, and Good Housekeeping, - - - - 6 00 

Magazine of American History, and The North American Review, - 8 00 
Magazine of American History, and The Andover Review, - - - - 7 00 

Magazine of American History, The Nation, and Army and Navy Journal, 12 00 
Magazine of American History, The Critic, and New York Observer, - 10 00 
Magazine of American History, St. Nicholas, and Scientific American, 10 00 
Magazine of American History, Babyhood, and New York Independent, 8 50 
Magazine of American History, and The Southern Bivouac, - - - 6 00 
Magazine of American History, and Queries, ------ 5 25 

Any other desired combination of leading periodicals will be furnished ; price quoted on appli- 
cation. 



There are two handsome volumes in each year, beginning with January and July. 
The price of the bound vohim* is ^'i.^Q for each half year, in dark green levant cloth, and 
$4.50 if bound in half morocco. Address 

MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY, 

30 Lafayttte I'lace, Neiv York City, 



THE lllllCAN JOL'llNAL OF AlliUEOLOCy 



A K D OF THE 



HISTORY OF THE FINE ARTS. 



The Journal is tlie (troan of the Archaeological Institute of 
America, and covers all branches of Archjeology and Art His- 
tory : Oriental, Classical, Early Christian, Mediaeval and Amer- 
ican. It is intended to su}>ply a record of the iiiij)ortant Avork 
done in the field of Archaeology, under the foUoAving categories: 
I. Original Articles; II. Correspondence; III. Reviews of Books ; 
IV. Arch geological News, presenting a careful and ample record 
of discoveries and investigations in all parts of the world ; V. 
Summaries of the principal archaeological periodicals. 

No. 4 for 188G is ready and contains articles 

(1) By Prof. John H. Wright, on Some inedited Greek Lcbjthoi 
in American collections : 

(2) By Dr. Alfred Emerson, on the Portraiture of Alexander the 
Crreat and a Terracotta Head in 3Tunich : 

(3) By Prof. A. L. Frothingham, Jr., on The Mosaics of the 
Portico of St. John Lateran at Rome. 

Profs. F. X. Kraus and Merriam contribute notes and X, a 
distinguished French arcliaeologist, writes on the recent meetings 
of societies in France. Mr. Russell Sturgis, Hon. John Worthinir- 
ton and Prof. Frothingham contribute book reviews, and the usual 
News and Summaries complete the number. 

The Journal is published quarterly, and forms a yearly volume 
of about 450 pages royal 8vo, with plates and figures, at the 
subscription price of .$3.50. Vol. I (1885), bound in cloth, con- 
taining over 480 pages, 11 plates and IG figures, will be .sent 
post-paid on receipt of §4. 

A. L. FROTHINGHAM, Jh., Managing Editor, 

^9 Cathedral Street, BaUimm-e, Md. 



HISTORY. 



Students and Teachers of History will find the following to he invaluable aids: — 
STUDIES IN GENERAL HISTORY. 

(1000 B. c. to 1880 A. D.) An application of the Scientific Method to the Teaching of History. 

By Mary D. Sheldon, formerly Prof, of History in Wellesley College. Price by mail, S1.75. 

This book has been prepared in order that the general student may share in the advantages 
of the Seminary Method of Instruction. It is a collection of historic material, interspersed with 
problems whose answers the student must work out for himself from original historical data. In 
this way he is trained to deal with the original historical data of his own time. In short, it may 
be termed an exercise book in history and polUics. 

THE TEACHER'S MANUAL contains the continuous statement of the results which 
should be gained from the History, and eraliodles the teacher's part of the work, being made up of 
summaries, explanations, and suggestions for essays and examinations. Price by mail, 85 cts. 

SHELDON'S STUDIES IN GREEK AND ROMAN HISTORY. 

Price by mail, $1.10. Meets the needs of students preparing for college, of schools in which 
Ancient History takes the place of General Hi.story, and of students who have used an ordi- 
nary manual, and wish to make a spirited and helpful review. 

METHODS OF TEACHING AND STUDYING HISTORY. 

Edited by G. Stanley Hall, Professor of Psychology and Pedagogy in Johns Hopkins Uni- 
versity. Price by mail, 31-40. 

Contains, in the form most likely to be of direct practical utility to teachers, as well as to 
students and readers of histor)-, the opinions and modes of instruction, actual or ideal, of eminent 
and representative specialists in leading American and English universities. 

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CHURCH HISTORY. 

By J. A. Fisher, Johns Hopkins University. Price by mail, 20 cents. 

HISTORY TOPICS FOR HIGH SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES. 

With an Introduction upon the Topical Method of Instruction in History. By Wm. Francis 
Allen, Professor in the University of Wisconsin. Price by mail, 30 cents. 

LARGE OUTLINE MAP OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Edited by Edward Ch.^nning, Ph.D., and AmiiRT B. Hart, Ph.D., Instructors in History 
in Harvard University. For the use of Classes in History, in Geography, and in Geology. 
Price by mail 60 cents. 

SMALL OUTLINE MAP OF THE UNITED STATES. 

For the Desk of the PapiJ. Prepared by Edward Channing, Ph.D , and Albert B. Hart, 
Ph.D., Instructors in Harvard University. Price, 2 cents each, or $1.50 per hundred. 
We publish also small Outline Maps of North America, South America, Europe, Central and 
Western Europe, Asia, Africa, Great Britain and the World on Mercator's Projection. These 
maps will be found iuvalualile to classes in history, for use in locating prominent historical 
points, and for indicating physical features, political boundaries, and the progress of historical 
growth. Price, 2 cents each, or §1.50 per hundred. 

POLITICAL AND PHYSICAL WALL MAPS. 

We handle both the Johnston and Stanford series, and can always supply teachers and 
schools at the lowest rates. Correspondence solicited. 



D. C. HEATH & CO., Publishers, Boston, New York and Chicago. 



The Philosophy of Wealth. 

EcoNOjiic Prixcipi.ks Xf.wi.y Formttlated. Bv Johx B. Clark, A. ^f., 
I'rofessorof History and Political Science in Smith College; Lecturer on Politi- 
cal Economy in Amherst College. Mailing price, $1.10; for Introduction, $1.00. 

In general, this work is a rostatoiiiciit of economic principles in liarniony 
"with the modern spirit, discarding the Ricardian method, free from doctri- 
nairemn and [)cssimisni, and recognizing the operation of higher motives of action 
than pure self-interest. 

In particular, tiie work aims to secure a more philosophical conception of wealth, 
lahor, and value, and of the economic processes considered as activities of the social 
organism ; it attem{)ts to lay a foundation for the solution of the labor problem, 
by presenting a 'I'heory of Distribution in which account is taken of the growing 
solidarity of capital and of labor, of the nai-rowing limits of competition, and of 
the increasing Held afforded for the action of moral forces. 

The book is intended for general readers, and, while not in the form of a text- 
book, and not a complete discussion of political economy, may be used with advan- 
tage by classes whose teachers instruct partly by lectures and topical reading. 

The clearness and originality of the thought, and the freshness of the style, serve 
to render the work singularly stimulating and suggestive as well as instructive. 

Professor H. C. Adams, University of Michigan and Cornell University, in the Political Science 

Qnartuli/, Jfecembf.r, 1SS6. 
"I cannot express too warmly my appreciation oC tliis treatise. It presents the rare excellence 
of fully recognizing the influence of moral lorces in ciononiic actions while at the same time 
maintaining the scientific spirit in the analysis of industrial process(^•<. Its title is not misleading. 
From the first chapter to the last it is a scholarly discussion of the Phllosoxjhy of Wealth." 

Profkssor Richard T. Ely, Jnh)is Hopkins Uniiersi/y, lialtimore, 3fd., in Science. 
"A remarkahle hook. Such is my involuntary exclamation as I finish reading Prof. Clark's 
book, 'The Philosophy of Wealth.' ... It is a treatment of fuudaniental principles in economies 
in which every paye is luminous v.iih clear analysis and profound thought. Yei the entire work 
is most practical, and should attract the atlenli'on of all interested in the prohhMiis of the day. 
... I close this notice of Prof, (lark's book with the unhesitating assertion that it is one of 
the most important contrihutious to economics ever made liy an American." 

T/if. Age of Steel. 
"The original and instructive method adopted by the author iu the preparation of his excellent 
book is adiniraiily illustrated in his chapter mi 'The I'riuciples of Cooperation,' a short synopsis 
of which will interest our readers." 

Th-e Dial, Chicago. 
"I believe I pronounce a verdict to which there will he general assent when I .say that this 
slender volume is the most original and valuahle contribution made by an American of this 
generation to the discussion of economic conceptions and principles." 

The Globe, Boston. 

"It is original in its views, and strong in its reasoning, and will carry weight among intelli- 
gent r.-aders. 

THE POLITICAL SCIENCE (QUARTERLY, edited by the Faculty of Politi- 
cal Science of Columbia College. Annual subscription, $8.00. 
" A Review of great promise."— Journal des Economi-iles, Paris. 

MACY'S OUR GOVERNMENT, ^failing price, 88 cents. 



GINN & COMPANY, Publishers, 

Boston, New York, and Chicago. 



American Economic Association, 

Organized at Saratoga, September 9, 1885. 

President. 

FRANCIS A. "WALKEE, LL. D., . . , Massachusetts Institute of Technology. 

Vice- Preside n ts. 

HENRY C. ADAMS, Ph. D., . University of iMichicran and Cornell University. 
EDMUMD J. JAMES, Ph. D., .....'.. . University of Pennsylvania. 
JOHN B. CLARK, A. M., Smith College. 

Secrefart/. 

RICHARD T. ELY, Ph. D.. 

Address : Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

Treasurer. 

EDWIN R. A. SELIGMAN, Ph. D., Columbia College. 

Address : 26 West 34th Street, New York. 



OBJECTS. 

1. Tlie encouragement of economic research. 

2. The publication of economic monograplis. 

3. Tlie encouragement of perfect freedom in all economic discussion. 

4. The establisliment of a Bureau of Information designed to aid members in 
their economic studies. 

PUBLICATIONS. 

No. 1. Report of the Organization of tlie American Economic Associa- 
tion. By KiCHARD T. Ely, Ph. D., Secretary. Price 50 cents. 

Nos. 2 and 3. The Relation of the Modern Municipality to the Gas Sup- 
ply. By Edmund J. James, Ph. D., of the Wharton School of Finance 
and Economy, University of Pennsylvania. Price 75 cents. 

No. 4. Cooperation in a Western City. By Albert Shaw, Ph. D., Editor 
of the Minneapolis Tribune, Author of Icaria, etc. Price 75 cents. 

No. 5. Cooperation in New England. By Edward W. Bemis, Ph. D. 
Price 75 cents. 

No. 6. Relation of the State to Industrial Action. By Henry C. Adams, 
Ph. D., of the University of Michigan and Cornell University. Price 
75 cents. 

VOL. II. 

No. 1. Three Phases of Cooperation in the West. By Amos G. Warner, 

Fellow of the Johns Hopkins University. Price 75 cents. 
No. 2. Historical Sketch of the Finances of Pennsylvania. By T. K. 

WoKTHiNGTON, A. B. Witli an Introduction by UiciiARD T. Ely, 
Ph. D. Price 75 cents. 



The publications of the Association will number at least six a year, and will 
be sent to all members in consideration of the annual membership fee of $o paitl 
to the Treasurer. To others the })ublications of the Association will be sent at $4 
per ainniin. 

Connnunications may be addressed to the Secretary, 

RICHARD T. ELY, 

Johnf! Hopkiiia University, Bdltimore, Md. 



The Republic of New Haven. 

A History of Municipal Evolution. 

By CHARLES H. LEVERMORE, Ph. D. 

Fellow in History, 18Sl,-S5, Johns Hopkins Universily, 

(^Extra Volume One of Studies in Historical and Political Science.^ 



Tliis work is a new study, from original records, of a most remarkable 
chapter of municipal development. Beginning with an English germ 
in the Parish of St. Stephen, Coleman Street, London, Dr. Levermore 
has traced the evolution of the Rev. John Davenport's church into 
a veritable commonwealth, in which the life-forces of Old England 
circulate anew. 

The Republic of Kew Haven is unique and one of the most 
interesting of all American commonwealths. It was a city-state, 
self-contained, self-sufficing, like the municipal commonwealths of 
antiquity. It is impossible to measure the greatness of Greek cities 
or of the Italian republics by their extent of territory. It is equally 
impossible to estimate the colonial and municipal life of America by 
any standards of material greatness. And yet few persons realize how 
far-reaching in American History is the influence of a single town like 
New Haven. Not to speak of the intellectual forces wliicli have gone 
forth from that local re[)ublic, from its vigorous church-life and from 
Yale College, born of the Church, New Haven, like her Mother 
England, is the parent of a wide-spread colonial system, not unworthy 
of comparison with that of Greek cities. 



The volume comprises 342 pages octavo, with various diagi-ams and 
an index. It will be sold, neatly bound in cloth, at $2.00. Subscrib- 
ers to the Studies can obtain at reduced rates this volume, bound 
uniformly with the First, Second, Third, and Fourth Series. 

Ordei-s should be addressed to The Publication Agency of the 
Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Maryland. 



PHILADELPHIA 

1681-1887; 

A History of Municipal Development. 

By Edward P. Allinson, A. M., and Boies Penrose, A. B. 

OF THE PHILADELPHIA BAE. 

(Extra Volume Two of Studies in Historical and Political Science.') 



While several general histories of Philadelphia have been written, 
there is no history of that city as a municipal corporation. Such a 
work is now offered, based upon the Acts of Assembly, the City Ordi- 
nances, the State Reports, and many other authorities. Numerous 
manuscripts in the Pennsylvania Historical Society, in Public Libra- 
ries, and in the Departments at Philadelphia and Harrisburg have 
also been consulted, and important facts found therein are now for 
the first time published. 

The history of the government of the city begins with the medi- 
aeval charter of most contracted character, and ends with the liberal 
provisions of the Reform Act of 1885. It furnishes illustrations of 
almost every phase of municipal development. The story cannot 
fail to interest all those who believe that the question of better gov- 
ernment for our great cities is one of critical importance, and who 
are aware of the fact that this question is already receiving wide- 
spread attention. The subject had become so serious in 1876 that 
Governor Hartranft, in his message of that year, called the attention 
of the Legislature to it in the following succinct and forcible state- 
ment : " There is no j^oUtical problem that at the present moment occa- 
sions so much just alarm and is obtaining more anxious thought than 
the governvient of cities.^' 

The volume comprises 444 pages, octavo, and Avill be sold, bound 
in cloth, at $3 ; in law-sheep at $3.50 ; and at reduced rates to regular 
subscribers to the " Studies." 

Orders should be addressed to The Publication Agency of the 
Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Maryland. 



Baltimore 

AND THE 

Nineteenth of April, i86i. 

A. Study of the "War. 
By GEORGE WILLIAM BROWN, 

Chief Judge of the Supreme Bench of Baltimore and Mayor of the City in 1801. 

(Extra Volume Three of Studies in Historical and Political Science.^ 



The position of Judge Brown as Mayor of Baltimore in 1861 
gave him excejitional opportunities for observing and understanding 
the municipal situation. His unflinching devotion to official dutj 
in marching through Pratt Street at the head of the Massachusetts 
Sixth Regiment, on the 19th of April, in the midst of a furious 
mob, will inspire confidence in his account of the events of that 
day. The concurrent testimony of Baltimoreans, of diflPerent 
political opinions, confirms Judge Brown's historical statement as 
the most accurate that has thus far been written. The events 
leading to the 19th of April and immediately following that date 
are frankly discussed. Judge Brown's point of view is that of 
many leading citizens of Maryland. He has attempted to describe 
the position of the middle, or peace party. Judge Brown's Study 
is a contribution to a better understanding of the state of society 
and of public feeling in the border land between the North and 
the South in 1861. After the lapse of a quarter of a century, 
American citizens have learned to hear with interest and apprecia- 
tion both sides in the story of battles and campaigns. A ]Mary- 
land view of past Politics may serve to enlighten the Present and 
instruct the Future. 



The volume comprises 176 pages, octavo, and will be sold, bound 
in cloth, at $1 ; and at reduced rates to regular subscribers to the 
"Studies." 

Orders should be addressed to The Publication Agency of 
THE Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Maryland. 



MODERN LANGUAGE NOTES, 



A MONTHLY PUBLICATION 

{JPbr eight months in the year) 

DEVOTED TO THE WTERESTS 

OF THE 

ACADEMIC STUDY OF ENGLISH, GERMAN, 

AND THE 

ROMANCE LANGUAGES. 



A. Marshali. Elliott, Managing Editor. 
JajMes "VY. Bright, Julius Goebel, Henky Alfred Todd, Associate Editors. 



This is a new and successfully-launched periodical, managed by a corps of professors and 
instructors in the Johns Hopkins University, with the co-operation of many of the leading 
college professors, in the department of modern languages, tliroughout the country. While 
undertaking to maintain a high critical and scientific standard, the new journal will endeavor 
to engage the interest and meet the wants of the entire class of serious and progressive modern- 
language teachers, of whatever grade. Since its establishment in January, 1886, the journal has 
been repeatedly enlarged, and has met with constantly increasing encouragement and success. 
The wide range of its articles, original, critical, literary and pedagogical, by a number of the 
foremost American (and European) scholars, has well represented and recorded the recent pro- 
gress of modern language studies, both at home and abroad. 

The list of contributors to Modeej," Lasguage Notes, in addition to the Editors, includes, to 
the present time, the following names : — 

Anderson, Melville B , De Pauw University, Ind. ; Bancroft, T. Whiting, Brown Univer- 
sity, E. I. ; Baskervill, W. M., Vanderbilt University, Tenn. : Bocher, Ferdinand, Harvard 
University, Mass. ; Bradley, C. B., University of California, Cal. ; Brandt, H. C. G., Hamilton 
College, N. Y.; Browne, Wm. Hand, Johns Hopkins University, Md. ; Buenham, Wm. H., Johns 
Hopkins University, Md.; Carpenter, Wm H., Columbia College, N. Y,; Cledat, L., Faculte 
des Lettres, Lyons, France; Cohn, Adolphe, Harvard University, Mass. ; Cook, A. S., University 
of California, Cal.; CosuN, P. J., tfniversity of Leyden, Holland; Crane, T.F., Cornell Univer- 
sity, N.Y.; Davidson, Thomas, Orange, N. J. ; Egge, Albert E., Johns Hopkins University, 
Md. ; Fay, E. A., National Deaf-Mute College, Washington, D. C. ; Fortier, Alcee, Tulane Uni- 
versity, La. ; Garner, Samuel, Indiana University, Ind. ; Gerber, A., Earlham College, Ind.; 
Grandgent, Charles, Harvard University, Mass. ; Gommere, F. B., The Swain Free School, 
JIass. ; Hart, J. M., University of Cincinnati, Ohio; Hempl, Geo., University of Gottingen, 
Germany ; Huss, H. C. O., Princeton College, N. J. ; von J.\gemann, H. C. G., University of Indi- 
ana, Ind.; Karsten, Gustaf, University of Geneva, Switzerland; Lang, Henry R., The Swain 
Free School, Mass. ; Learned, M. D., Johns Hopkins University, Md.; Leyh, Edw. F., Balti- 
more, Md; Lodeman, A., State Normal School, Mich.; Morfill, W. E., Oxford, England; 
McCabe, T., Johns Hopkins University, Md.; McElroy, John G. E., University of Pennsyl- 
vania, Pa.; O'Connor, B. F., Columbia College, N. Y. ; Primer, Sylvester, College of Charles- 
ton, S. C. ; Schele De Vere, M., University of Virginia, Va. ; Schilling, Hugo, Wittenberg 
College, Ohio; Sheldon, Edw. S., Harvard University, Mass.; Shepherd, H. E., College of 
Charleston, S. C. ; Schmidt, H., University of North Carolina, N. C; Sievers, Eduard, Univer- 
sity of Tubingen, Germany ; Smyth, A. H., High School of Philadelphia, Pa. ; Stoddard, Fran- 
cis H., University of California, Cal.; StCrzinger. J, J., Bryn Mawr College, Pa.; Thomas. 
Calvin, University of Michigan, Mich. ; Walter, E. L., University of Michigan, Mich.; W.vR- 
Een, F. M., Johns Hopkins University, Md. ; White, H. S., Cornell University, N. Y. ; Zdano- 
Wicz, Casimir, Vanderbilt University, Tenn. 

Subscription Price One Dollar Per Annum in the U. S. 

$1.25 FOR Foreign Countries in the Postal Union. 

Single Copies Fifteen Cents. 

Specimen pages sent on application. 
Subscriptions, advertisements and all business communications should be addressed to the 
Managing Editor of Modern L.\nguage Notes, 

Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 



{ 



coy TENTS, APRIL, 1887. 

Scheie De Vere, M. — A few Virginia Names I. 
Davidson, Thomas. — Dante Text-Criticism. 
Leyh, Edward F. — Odius ^unic Sanngetal. 
Bright, James W. — Notes on the Andreas. 
Stoddard, Francis H.— Accent Collation of 
Citdmou's Genesis B. 



REVIEWS. 

Cosquin, Emmanuel.— Contes populaires de 
Lorraine {T. F. Crane.) 

Braune, ^Vilhelm. — Althochdeutsche Gram- 
niatik ( //. C. G. Brand/.) 

Brief Mention, Personal, Obituary, Jour- 
nal Notices, Recent Publications, Pub- 
lications Received. 



JOHNS HOPKINS DNIVERSITY STUDIES 



IN 



Historical and Political Science 



HERBERT B. ADAMS, Editor 



History is past Politics and Politics present History — B«e»nan 



FIFTH SERIES 



VII 



The Effect of the War of 1 8 1 2 



rPOX THE 



CONSOLIDATION OF THE UNION 



By NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER, Ph. D. 

Tutor in Philosophy in Oultimbia College 
President of the Industrial Education Association's College for the Training of Teachert 



BALTIMORE 

Publication Agency of the Johns Hopkins Universitt 

JULY, 1887 



PJilCL' TWENTY-FIVE CENTS 



JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES 

IN 

Historical and Political Science. 

Herbert B. Adams, Editor. 

Neither the University nor the Editor assumes responsibility for the views of contributors. 

PROSPECTUS OF FIFTH SERIES.— 1887. 

The Studies in Municipal Government will be continued. Tlie following 
papers are ready or in preparation : — 

I-II. City Government of Philadelphia. By Edward P. Allinson, A. M. 
(Haverford) and Boies Penrose, A. B. (Harvard). January and Febru- 
ary, 1887. Price 50 cents. 72 pp. 

III. City Government of Boston. By James M. Bugbee. March, 1887. 
Price 25 cents. 60 pp. 

IV. City Government of St. Louis. By Marshalx, S., Snow, A. M. (Har- 

vard), Professor of History, Washington University. April, 1887. Price 

25 cents. 40 pp. 
V-VI. Local Government in Canada. By John George Bourinot, LL. D. 

Clerk of the House of Commons of Canada. May and June, 1887. Price 50 

cents. 72 pp. 
VII. The Influence of the War of 1812 upon the Consolidation of the 

American Union. By Nicholas Murray Butler, Ph. D. and Fellow 

of Columbia College. July, 1887. Price 25 cents. 30 pp. 
City Government of Baltimore. By John C. Kose, B. L. (University of 

Maryland, School of Law). 
City Government of Chicago. By F. H. Hodder, Ph. M. (University of 

Mich.) ; Instructor in History, Cornell University. 
City Government of San Francisco. By Bernard Moses, Ph. D. ; Professor 

of Histoiy and Politics, University of California. 
City Government of Nevy Orleans. By Hon. W. W. Howe. 
City Government of New York. By Simon Sterne and J. F. Jameson 

Ph. D., Associate in History, J. H. U. 
The History of American Political Economy. Studies by K. T. Ely, Wood- 

Kow Wilson, and D. E. Dewey. 

FOURTH SERIES.— Municipal Government and 
Land Tenure. — 1886. 

I. Dutch Village Communities on the Hudson River. By Irving Elting, 

A. B. (Harvard). Price 50 cents. 
II-III. Town Government in Rhode Island. By W. E. Foster, A. M. 
(Brown). — The Narragansett Planters. By Edward Channing, 

Ph. D. (Harvard). Price 50 cents. 

IV. Pennsylvania Boroughs. By William P. Holcomb, Ph. D. (J. H. U.), 

Professor of History, Swarthmore College. Price 50 cents. 

V. Introduction to the Constitutional and Political History of the indi- 

vidual States. By J. F. Jameson, Ph. D. and Associate in History, 
J. H. U. Price 50 cents. 

VI. The Puritan Colony at Annapolis, Maryland. By Daniel E. Ean- 

DALL, Fellow in History (J. H. U.). Price 50 cents. 

VII-VIII-IX. History of the Land Question in the United States. By 
Shosuke Sato, Ph. D. and Fellow by Courtesy, J. H. U. Price $1.00. 

X. The Town and City Government of New Haven. [Chapters VIII 
and IX from Levermore's "Eepublic of New Haven."] By Charles H. 
Levermore, Ph. D. (J. H. U.), Instructor in History, University of Cali- 
fornia. Price 50 cents. 

XI-XII. The Land System of the New England Colonies. By Mel- 
ville Egleston, a. M. (Williams College). Price 50 cents. 

{Continued on third page of cover.) 



\ 



THIRD SERIES.— Maryland, Virginia and 
Washington.— 1885. 

I. Maryland's Influence upon Land Cessions to the United States. 
Willi minor papers on George Washington's Interest in Western Lands, 
tlie Potomac Company, and a National University. By II. B. Adams. 
Price 75 cents. 

II-III. Virginia Local Institutions : — The Land System; Hundred; 
Parish; County; Town. By Edwaud Inolk, A. B. (J. II. U.) Price 
75 cents. 

IV. Recent American Socialism. By Richard T. Ely. Price 50 ceiit.i. 

V-VI-VII. Maryland Local Institutions :— The Land System; Hun- 
dred; County; Town. Bv Lkwis W. Wilhelm, Ph. D. and Fellow 
by Courtesy, ,J. II. LJ. Pr/ce $1.00. 

VIII. The Influence of the Proprietors in Founding the State of_ New 
Jersey. V>\ Professor Austin Scott (Rutgers College). Price 25 cents. 

IX-X. American Constitutions; The Relations of the Three Depart- 
ments as Adjusted by a Century. By Hobace Davis. Price 50 cents. 

XI-XII. The City of Washington. By J. A. Porter. A. B. (Yale). Price 
50 cenia. 

SECOND SERIES.— Institutions and Economics.— 1884. 

I-II. Methods of Historical Study. By H. B. Adams. Price 30 cents. 

III. The Past and the Present of Political Economy. By R. T. Ely, 

Price 35 cents. 

IV. Samuel Adams, The Man of the Town Meeting. By Professor James 

K. HosMEK (Washiiioton University, St. Louis). Price 35 cents. 
V-VI. Taxation in the United States. By Henry Carter Adams, Ph. D. 

(J. n. U.); University of Michigan. Price 50 cents: 
VII. Institutional Beginnings in a Western State. By Professor Jesse 

Macy (Iowa College). Price 25 cents. 
VIII-IX. Indian Money as a Factor in New England Civilization. By 

William B. W'eeden, A. M. (Brown Univ.) Price 50 cents. 

X. Town and County Government in the English Colonies of North 

America. By Edward Channing, Ph.D. (Harvard). Price 50 cents. 

XI. Rudimentary Society among Boys. By John Johnson, A. B. (J. H. 

v.). Price 50 cents. 

XII. Land Laws of Mining Districts. By Charles Howard Shinn, A. B. 
(J. H. U.) ; Editor of the Overland Monthly. Price 50 cents. 

FIRST SERIES.— Local Institutions.— 1883. 

I. An Introduction to American Institutional History. By Professor 

Edward A. Freeman. With an account of j\Ir. Freeman's Visit to Bal- 
timore, by the Editor. Price 25 cents. 

II. The Germanic Origin of New England Towns. By H. B. Adams. 

\\"\i\\ Notes on Co-oijeration in University Work. Price 50 cents. 

III. Local Government in Illinois. By Albert Shaav, Ph. D. (J. H. U.). 

— Local Government in Pennsylvania. By E. R. L. Gould, Ph. D. 
(J. II. U.). Pr ice -.iO cents. 

IV. Saxon Tithingmen in America. By IL B. Adam.s. Price 50 cents. 

V. Local Government in Michigan, and the Northwest. By E. W. Bemis, 

Ph. D. (.J. II. IT.). Price 25 cents. 

VI. Parish Institutions of Maryland. By Edward Ingle, A. B. (J. H. U.). 

Price 4U ccnti<. 

VII. Old Maryland Manors. By .John Johnson, A. B. (J. II. U). Price 
30 cents. 

VIII. Norman Constables in America. By IT. B. Adams. Price 50 cents. 
IX-X. Village Communities of Cape Ann and Salem. By H. B. Adams. 

XI. The Genesis of a New England State (Connecticut). By Professor 

Alkxandkr Johnston (Priiuoton). Price oO cents. 

XII. Local Government and Free Schools in South Carolina. By B. J. 
Kamaoe, Ph. D. (J. H. U.). Price 40 cents. 



JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES 

IN 

Historical and Political Science. 

Herbert B. Adams, Editor. 



The first annual series of monthly monographs devoted to History, Politics, and 
Economics was begun in 1882-3. Four volumes have thus far appeared. 

A library edition of the entire set of four volumes, indexed and bound in olive-green 
doth, is now ready. Price $12.50 net. 

Separate volumes bound in black or olive-green cloth will be sold as follows : 

• VOLUME I. — Local Institutions. 479 pp. $4.00. 

VOLUME n. — Institutions and Economics. 629 pp. $4.00. 

VOLUME III. — Maryland, Virginia, and Washington. 595 pp. $4.00. 

VOLUME IV. — Municipal Government and Land Tenure. 600 pp. 
?3-50. 

VOLUME V. — Municipal Government and Economics. {In progress.) 

This Volume, the Fifth Series (1887), will be furnished in monthly parts upon 
receipt of subscription price, $3. 



All communications relating to subscriptions, exchanges, etc., should 
be addressed to the Publication Agency (N. Murray), Johns Hopkins 
University, Baltimore, Maryland. Subscriptions will also be received, or 
single copies furnished by any of the following 

American Agents: 

New York.— G.P.Putnam's Sons, 27 Washington. — W. H. Lowdermilk 

and 29 West 23d St. & Co. 

New Haven. — E. P. Judd, Chapel St. Baltimore. — John Murphy & Co.; 
Boston. — Damrell & Upham (Old Ciishings & Bailey. 

Corner Book-Store). Cincinnati. — Robert Clarke & Co. 

Providence.— Tibbitts & Preston. Chicago.— A. C. McClurg & Co. 

Philadelphia.— Porter & Coates. St. Louis.— C. H. Evans & Co. 

Montreal.— Dawson Brothers. Louisville.— John P. Morton & Co. 

European Agents: 

London. — Triibner & Co.; or G. P. Berlin.— Puttkammer & Miihlbrecht; 

Putnam's Sons. Mayer & Miiller. 

Paris. — A. Hermann, 8 Rue de la Sor- Leipzig. — F. A. Brockhaus. 

bonne; Em. Terquem, 15 Boule- Turin, Florence, and Rome, — E. 

vard St. Martin. Loescher. 
Strassburg. — Karl J. Triibner. 



